Distributing benefits of development evenly

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Dr. Md. Shairul Mashreque :
Nevertheless policy outcomes resulting from lack of governance in the implementation of the projected goals under a variety of policy sectors and sub-sectors do not favour the disadvantaged lots. The dominant interest groups in the community power structures concentrate benefits of development. They do it through subtle mechanism and manipulative design in a deceptive manner. By dominant interest groups we mean the coalition of interest among governing elites, fortune-seeking political entrepreneurs and upstart businessmen. It is seen that governing elite expands various opportunities for economic concentration including rent-seeking ones that ultimately aggravates ‘humanitarian crisis’ and threatens the legitimacy of regime and increases the probability of regime turn over’.
One of the critical view-point is that governing process has been of a bureaucratic character. The crisis has been compounded by bureaucratically manipulated allocative decisions. A plethora of associations based on similar configuration of interests are not effective instrument of articulating legitimate and genuine demands of the deprived social class as policy inputs. Trade unions like peasants’ organization, weaver associations, and so forth have more or less become the ‘ploys of intensive political hobnobbing.’
Increasing alienation of the deprived class is the outcome of the introduction or continuation of programmes under such policy frame work. Social protests in favour of backward comminity are the culmination of perpetual deprivation and negligence. Many a time the movements of the victims of state policy become raison d ‘etre for open confrontation.
More often than not such movements pose a threat to peace and tranquility when protestants think that physical pollutions, deforestation, installation of buildings and plants, brickfield and other form of environmental terrorism threaten to displace/dislodge the original inhabitants.
a) Backwardness and wanton exploitation of the deprived class is a motivating factor for a series of protestant movements. They create social tension and political instability. For, policy intervention reflects lack of’ a coherent plan, purpose and direction’.
Notwithstanding global concerns about (Human rights) HR as a movement there was horrendous picture of violence in Bangladesh against disadvantaged groups in stark violation of rules of law that defend HR. The disadvantaged groups like women and child live under the shadow of fear and restrictions. Cruelty to women, children, girl, custom of dowry, forced prostitution are some examples of violation of H.R. Understanding from various reports of NGOs and HR group, we can list the manifestation of such violations like throwing inflammable, corrosive or poisoned substance, causing or attempting to cause death, causing impairment of eye-sight / hearing or injuring face, breast or organ, impairment / disfigurement of other parts of body, kidnapping, detention for ransom, rape/gangrape, rape of women in custody etc.
Panic stricken ethno-religious minorities – victims of communal disturbance and weak sect suffering harassment and assault, were indications of HR violation. We find a plenty of reports about the incidence of HR violation thanks to the heroic roles of journalists.
The phenomenal rise in HR violation is due to the tide of criminalization as the phenomenon of the recent past. Stories of violation are aplenty somewhat depicting contemporary Bangladesh going through strains and stress. Policy making with nefarious design in the midst of massive politicization is inconsistent with human right norms that militate against the spirit of the constitution.
It is a plain truth that abuses against human right in Bangladesh occurred under successive political governments. The state under such governments became ‘soft’ to professional armed criminals serving its unholy purpose and hard to the opposition agitators and ordinary masses. Politically used law enforcing personnel perpetrated violation of human right in many cases. Many human right activists and journalists were subject to torture and harassment through ‘unsubstantiated criminal accusations’ against them. NGO activists also suffered harassment.
Time is ripe for the human right defenders to work against violence in close co-operation with right-based organizations. War criminals can also be brought under the purview of human rights agenda. I do not think they face pressure from the authorities and are exposed to threat and liquidation for launching protestant movement against all heinous acts and diabolical mischievousness that grilled the lives of the disadvantaged sections. Now, in an environment devoid of adverse political influence H.R. defenders are in a position to ‘act on their own or collectively’ to protect human rights. Inspired by the international human rights standards they, continue to act and react in search for truth and reason. The ‘liberal space’ for the expression of opinion’ is no longer under attack.
State-sponsored terrorism under the shadow of political influence used to be a stumbling block to the implementation of HR. Abuse of institutions of the state under successive political governments for personal or party-political gains facilitated H.R. violations Some good lessons from state interventions make us think that only laws, conventions and instruments cannot stem the tide of HR violation.
We have smart laws and public policies. Even then, they remain a dead letter without proper application as the cases of violation continue to mushroom to an outrageous proportion. On that count, development of HR should not follow the set pattern. The government may be well-advised to better open Pandora’s Box with calculated risk if it ultimately saves the country from the clutches of criminal syndicate. Here the role of state sponsored Human Rights commission has much to be reckoned with. Its obligation it is suggest the government to take proper action against the perpetrators that continue to batter the lives of the disadvantaged sections.

(Dr. Md. Shairul Mashreque, Department of Public Adminstration, Chittagong University)

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