Nikkei Asian Review , Yangon :
Stung by international criticism of military abuses in Rakhine State and by domestic complaints over the slow pace of reform, Myanmar’s de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi is crafting what could be termed a “fightback” strategy. Among the steps her administration is considering or already implementing are moves to improve conditions for the Muslim population in Rakhine and a package of economic reforms covering everything from tax and banking to liberalization of agriculture.
Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy government marks its first anniversary on April 1.
Crucial tasks to be addressed ahead of this milestone include finalizing the national budget for fiscal 2017, which starts on April 1; implementing vital laws recently passed by parliament, including a new law governing both foreign and domestic investment; and preparing for a second round of nationwide peace talks with ethnic armed groups starting Feb. 28. There is also some discussion within the administration of a ministerial reshuffle.
A cabinet revamp would reflect a recent review by Suu Kyi and her advisers of the performance of some ministers and senior administration personnel. Some foreign experts dealing with senior personnel have described the decision-making process as “chaotic,” with too much power given to a series of committees-mostly chaired by Suu Kyi herself-made up largely of inexperienced ministers and, in some cases, outside experts. Decisions often seem ill-conceived or arbitrary, at best, note observers. In a recent example, proposed laws governing foreigners in the country have dismayed the expatriate community and provoked protests from embassies and foreign businesses. At a forum in mid-February, foreign business associations said the onerous requirements and penalties of the laws would discourage overseas companies from setting up business. The government has given no clear explanation of the rationale behind the laws, although some officials said privately they were aimed largely at South Asian, Middle Eastern and Chinese nationals and reflected heightened concerns among security agencies about terrorism and foreign criminal elements.
After her government took power last April, Suu Kyi decided to merge numerous ministries, slash the size of the cabinet from nearly 40 members to about 22, and eliminate deputy minister positions. This initially created bureaucratic confusion and hampered decision-making throughout 2016. Deputy minister positions were later revived for some of the resulting mega-ministries. Domestically, the biggest task for Suu Kyi is to oversee finalization of the 2017 budget, which according to early drafts will not differ significantly from the 2016 budget of President Thein Sein. Proposed increases will reflect the new government’s desire to prioritize education, health and social services while holding the military budget at almost the same level as last year. In international terms, her most urgent challenge is to address escalating criticism of the government’s human rights record.
This sense of urgency has grown since the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights issued a damning report in early February that concluded the government’s actions in Rakhine State could amount to “crimes against humanity.” Under Myanmar’s constitution, the civilian administration has no authority over the armed forces, or the Tatmadaw, and was thus powerless to curb the milit ary’s brutal response to the Oct. 9 attacks by Muslim militants on police border posts in Rakhine State. As enshrined in the constitution, the military holds three seats in the cabinet, a guaranteed 25% of parliamentary seats and veto power over constitutional amendments. The charter also bars Suu Kyi from the presidency, although the post she created of state counselor has enabled her to position herself as de facto leader.
Stung by international criticism of military abuses in Rakhine State and by domestic complaints over the slow pace of reform, Myanmar’s de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi is crafting what could be termed a “fightback” strategy. Among the steps her administration is considering or already implementing are moves to improve conditions for the Muslim population in Rakhine and a package of economic reforms covering everything from tax and banking to liberalization of agriculture.
Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy government marks its first anniversary on April 1.
Crucial tasks to be addressed ahead of this milestone include finalizing the national budget for fiscal 2017, which starts on April 1; implementing vital laws recently passed by parliament, including a new law governing both foreign and domestic investment; and preparing for a second round of nationwide peace talks with ethnic armed groups starting Feb. 28. There is also some discussion within the administration of a ministerial reshuffle.
A cabinet revamp would reflect a recent review by Suu Kyi and her advisers of the performance of some ministers and senior administration personnel. Some foreign experts dealing with senior personnel have described the decision-making process as “chaotic,” with too much power given to a series of committees-mostly chaired by Suu Kyi herself-made up largely of inexperienced ministers and, in some cases, outside experts. Decisions often seem ill-conceived or arbitrary, at best, note observers. In a recent example, proposed laws governing foreigners in the country have dismayed the expatriate community and provoked protests from embassies and foreign businesses. At a forum in mid-February, foreign business associations said the onerous requirements and penalties of the laws would discourage overseas companies from setting up business. The government has given no clear explanation of the rationale behind the laws, although some officials said privately they were aimed largely at South Asian, Middle Eastern and Chinese nationals and reflected heightened concerns among security agencies about terrorism and foreign criminal elements.
After her government took power last April, Suu Kyi decided to merge numerous ministries, slash the size of the cabinet from nearly 40 members to about 22, and eliminate deputy minister positions. This initially created bureaucratic confusion and hampered decision-making throughout 2016. Deputy minister positions were later revived for some of the resulting mega-ministries. Domestically, the biggest task for Suu Kyi is to oversee finalization of the 2017 budget, which according to early drafts will not differ significantly from the 2016 budget of President Thein Sein. Proposed increases will reflect the new government’s desire to prioritize education, health and social services while holding the military budget at almost the same level as last year. In international terms, her most urgent challenge is to address escalating criticism of the government’s human rights record.
This sense of urgency has grown since the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights issued a damning report in early February that concluded the government’s actions in Rakhine State could amount to “crimes against humanity.” Under Myanmar’s constitution, the civilian administration has no authority over the armed forces, or the Tatmadaw, and was thus powerless to curb the milit ary’s brutal response to the Oct. 9 attacks by Muslim militants on police border posts in Rakhine State. As enshrined in the constitution, the military holds three seats in the cabinet, a guaranteed 25% of parliamentary seats and veto power over constitutional amendments. The charter also bars Suu Kyi from the presidency, although the post she created of state counselor has enabled her to position herself as de facto leader.
