Dr N. Janardhan :
Twenty-five years after becoming eligible to vote in India, I am yet to exercise my franchise. This is partly because I have never lived in the same place long enough to register as a voter and cast my ballot. Even if there was a chance, a ‘no party or politician can make a difference’ political apathy discouraged me from taking the extra effort.
Turning a page, I became a ‘political funder’ by contributing nominal sums to the Aam Aadmi Party [(Common Man’s Party) AAP] in 2014 and 2015. The first was a reward recognising AAP’s new brand politics – one that tried to ensure that politics is neither a bad word nor out of bounds for the have-nots and the common people.
Before AAP, few Indians had the confidence that political battles could be won with just determination – without money, muscle or manipulation.
Its unexpected but impressive performance in the December 2013 Delhi assembly election was a victory of mind over matter. This and the fact that it was anchored in anti-corruption policies were two big contributions to Indian democracy.
My 2015 funding for AAP is for the long-term benefit of Indian politics. If it wins a majority in the soon-to-be-held Delhi Assembly polls and forms the government, it would be good. Even if it fails in this endeavour, the fact that that it would be a principled, strong and constructive opposition would be equally good.
While it is early days yet to pass judgment on the reigning Central government, it is time enough to pass judgment about the opposition parties. The Congress is still a ‘stuck tape recorder’, playing the stale ‘Gandhi’ tune, with a slight twist – Rahul to replace Sonia; the Left is struggling to reinvent itself; the Janata parivar (family) is rudderless; and the regional parties have shown little desire to emerge out of their comfort zone. All these have left the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Narendra Modi unchallenged.
What an unchallenged party and government can do is well documented in the actions of the Congress under Indira Gandhi.
An early sign of this was evident in the suit – with his full name forming the stripes – that Modi wore during US President Barack Obama’s visit to Delhi. (Wonder if Modi knows that former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak was ousted from power less than two years after he made his narcissist fashion statement in 2009.)
To ensure that authoritative and unrivalled reigns find no place in the Indian political system again, an alternative and credible opposition must be encouraged, lest the Indian claim to be the most vibrant and largest democracy in the world would be reduced to a mere swagger.
Keeping political parties on their toes in terms of competition is the best antidote to complacency and corruption.
In the present circumstances, AAP has certain essential characteristics to develop into a viable opposition – ones that are invisible in the other parties, especially the anti-corruption plank.
The changes that were visible in Delhi during AAP’s 48-day rule are stories of folklore. Some of my university friends and AAP volunteers pointed out that the party now has its own support base, which will be evident in the assembly polls – the lower middle and lower classes, who benefitted immensely from the anti-graft policies of the Arvind Kejriwal government.
Many of these people, who are slum dwellers, street vendors and cycle-auto rickshaw pullers and drivers, among others, apparently said: “We know how to make money; the government need not help us. What we want the government to do is not take away our money through everyday corruption and bribes.”
It appears that some sections of the media – controlled by businesspeople and politicians – deliberately ignored this. Instead, it harped more on the sentiments of the middle, upper middle and the rich classes, who complained about the public inconvenience caused by an intransigent and agitating government led by Kejriwal.
Yes, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley is right that the word ‘corruption’ has not reared its ugly head during the last eight months of the new government.
Equally true, however, is that not a word about anti-corruption has sneaked in either, both during the 2014 election campaign and thereafter. It is important to recognise that while the government of the day thinks that corruption is so entrenched in the system that it is better ignored or limited, than eliminated, to facilitate growth, the truth is that ‘no corruption’ is development in and by itself.
It is true that AAP’s script went haywire within weeks of assuming power about a year ago, culminating in Kejriwal’s miscalculated resignation. However, its political experiment and message are both unique and enduring.
Despite a miserable performance in the 2014 parliament elections, the fact that it has turned the electioneering process in Delhi on its head – forcing the BJP to draft Kiran Bedi into its fold and unconventionally declaring her as the chief ministerial candidate ahead of the election – vouches for its current popularity and impact, as well as long-term political value.
This means that if not 2019, AAP – if it plays its cards well and performs true to its principles – could certainly be the party to watch out for in the 2024 parliament elections.
(Dr N. Janardhan is a UAE-based political analyst, author on Gulf affairs and honorary fellow of the University of Exeter, UK)
