Today I have come to you with a broken heart. You all know and understand that we have tried our best, but too much blood of our brothers has been spilled in the streets of Dhaka, Chittagong, Khulna, Rajshahi, and Rangpur. Today the people of Bengal want freedom… they want to live. They want to get their due rights. You made Awami League win the election by casting your votes so that we could frame the Constitution. We had hoped that the National Assembly would be convened. We thought we would frame the Constitution and thought that Constitution people would achieve economic, political, and cultural emancipation, but the past 23 years have been a history of the dying cries of the people of the people of Bengal, a pitiable history of bloodshed, a history of oppressed people’s eternal cries.
We shed blood in 1952. In 1954, though we won the election, we could not go to power. By imposing Martial Law in 1958 Ayub Khan enslaved us for 10-years. In 1966 the six-point programme was announced and for it many of my brothers were killed. Because of a mass uprising, Ayub Khan’s regime fell and Yahya Khan came to power in 1969. Yahya declared he would hand over power to the people and then give a Constitution. We agreed to abide by his declarations, but you all know what happened next. We had discussions with Yahya Khan. We requested him to convene the Assembly session on February 15, but he did not listen to my request despite the fact that I am the leader of the majority party. He listened to Mr Bhutto of the minority party. I am not only the leader of the majority party of Bengal – I am the leader of the majority party of the whole of Pakistan. Mr Bhutto asked for a National Assembly session in the first week of Mach. So he (Yahya) announced that the National Assembly would be convened on March 3.
I said, well, we will attend the National Assembly session. And though we constitute the majority, if anyone comes out with a genuine demand we will accept that demand, even if an individual makes the demand.
Mr Bhutto came to Dhaka and we had discussions with him. Before his departure Mr Bhutto said that the doors for further discussions are not closed. More discussions would follow. Moulana Noorani, Moulana Mufti Mahmood and other leaders from West Pakistan came. I had discussions with them. Our intention was to come up with a Constitution though discussions. However, I have informed them that I do not have the authority to amend the six-point programme because it is the property of the people, but Mr Bhutto issued threats.
He said he would not like to become the double hostage by coming here. ‘The Assembly would turn into a slaughter house’ (said Mr Bhutto). He warned that there would be bloodshed and that he would break the heads of West Pakistani elected members who dared to attend the Assembly session. He threatened that they would be murdered, and declared that there would be agitation from Peshawar to Karachi. Not a single shop would be opened, he said. Even then, 35 Assembly members from West Pakistan came. But on March 1, Yahya Khan cancelled the Assembly session. The blame was put on the people of Bengal, the blame was put on me. He (Yahya) said that nothing could be done due to my obstinacy.
Thereafter the people of Bengal rose in protest. I called for hartal (strike) so that the movement could be continued through peaceful means. People took to the streets voluntarily, but what did we get?
The unarmed people of Bengal were attacked with arms. We have no weapons. But the very weapons we bought with our money and gave to others (the Pakistan Army) to protect us from foreign aggression, are being fired on my helpless people. We Bengalis constitute the majority, but whenever we wanted to take the rein of the country, they had conspired to stop us and pounced on us.
Yahya Khan said that I wanted to join the Round Table Conference on March 10 and that I had a telephone conversation with him about this. What I said was, ‘you are the President of the country: come to Dhaka and see how my poor people are being killed, how the children of my mothers and sisters are being killed. I have already announced that there could be no Round Table Conference. What Round Table Conference? Who’s Round Table Conference? Am I to sit in the Round Table Conference with those who have killed the beloved sons of my mothers and sisters?’
On the 3rd of March, in a meeting at Paltan, I urged my people to take part in a non-cooperation movement. I said, stop going to offices and courts and stop paying revenue and taxes. You all agreed.
Suddenly, without consultation with my party, or me Yahya Khan made a speech after a meeting of five long hours with one person (Bhutto). In that speech he (Yahya) put all the blame on me, and the people of Bengal. Mr Bhutto is the offender, but rifles are fired on the people of Bengal. We are shot at, it is our fault; bullets hit us, and that too is said to be our fault! Yahya Khan has called for an Assembly session, but I demand that Martial Law has to be withdrawn. The army has to be taken back to the barracks. There have to be inquiries into all the killings, and power has to be transferred to the representatives of the people. Only after all this is done will I consider whether we will take part in the (Assembly) session or not.
The bloodstains have not yet dried. We will not attend the Assembly session on March 25 by betraying those who have shed blood for us.
Brothers, do you have faith in me? (At this point the people raised their hands in affirmation and screamed ‘YES!’). I do not want the Prime Ministership. I want to see that people get their rights. They could not win me with the bait of Prime Ministership. By shedding your blood you freed me form the (Agartala) conspiracy case. That day, from this very racecourse, I declared that I shall repay the debt of blood with blood; do you remember? Today also I am ready to repay the debt of blood with blood.
I declare that from today Courts, Judge Courts, the Supreme Court, offices and educational institutions shall remain closed for an indefinite period. No employee shall go to the office – this is my directive. To ensure that the poor people do not suffer, rickshaws, trains, et cetera shall all be allowed to run. Trains shall run, but cannot be used for troop movements. If trains are used for this purpose, I will not be responsible for any accident that might occur.
The Secretariat, the Supreme Court, Judges Courts and other government, semi-government offices and autonomous organisations shall remain closed. The banks shall remain open for two hours only for transactions within East Bengal. No money shall be sent from East Bengal to West Pakistan. Bengalis, take your steps carefully. Television and telephone will be kept operational within Bangladesh. However, journalists can transmit news to the outside world.
The people of this country are being killed. You must watch out. If needed, all the wheels of government shall be brought to a grinding halt. You will go and collect you salary when it is due. If your salaries are not disbursed, if one more bullet is fired, if my people are killed any more, my request to all of you – make every house a fortress. You have to fight the enemy with whatever you have.
You will stop all road communications. We will neutralise them (Pakistanis) by blocking their food supplies. We will neutralise them by stopping their water supply. Even if I cannot give orders, if my associates are not available by your side, you will continue the struggle.
Soldiers (Pakistani) you are our brothers, stay in the barracks and nobody will tell you anything. Do not try to fire on us any more. You cannot suppress seven crore people any longer. Now that we have learnt to die, no one can suppress us any more.
Industry owners, please pay full salary to those labourers who participate in the strike for seven days and could not work due to the curfew.
Instructions for the government servants – whatever I say you have to obey. No one should be seen in offices. Stop paying revenue and taxes till this country achieves independence. Please leave it to me; I know how to lead a government.
But be careful, remember the enemy has penetrated our ranks in disguise, they want to create rift among us. Bengalis or non-Bengalis, Hindus or Muslims, all are our brothers. It is our duty to protect everyone.
If the radio, television and newspapers do not broadcast the news of our movement, no Bengali must be seen in radio and television studios.
If there is a peaceful settlement, there is a chance that we will live together as brothers; otherwise there is no chance. Do not exceed the limit otherwise we may not even see each other’s face.
My request to you, under the leadership of Awami League, organise Shangram (combat) committees in every village, mohalla (ward) and union. Arm yourself with whatever you can get. Remember, since we have once shed blood, we shall have to shed a lot more, but we shall free the people of this country In shallah (God willing). This struggle is the struggle for freedom; this struggle is the struggle for independence.
Remain ready. Do not go into a slumber. Continue the movement and agitation; if the movement slackens, they will pounce on us. Maintain discipline, because no nation can win any struggle without discipline. Joi Bangla! (Victory to Bengal!)
“I will always be with you”
(Sheikh Mujibur Rahman 17/03/1920 – 15/08/1975)
Translation: Sir Frank Peters
We shed blood in 1952. In 1954, though we won the election, we could not go to power. By imposing Martial Law in 1958 Ayub Khan enslaved us for 10-years. In 1966 the six-point programme was announced and for it many of my brothers were killed. Because of a mass uprising, Ayub Khan’s regime fell and Yahya Khan came to power in 1969. Yahya declared he would hand over power to the people and then give a Constitution. We agreed to abide by his declarations, but you all know what happened next. We had discussions with Yahya Khan. We requested him to convene the Assembly session on February 15, but he did not listen to my request despite the fact that I am the leader of the majority party. He listened to Mr Bhutto of the minority party. I am not only the leader of the majority party of Bengal – I am the leader of the majority party of the whole of Pakistan. Mr Bhutto asked for a National Assembly session in the first week of Mach. So he (Yahya) announced that the National Assembly would be convened on March 3.
I said, well, we will attend the National Assembly session. And though we constitute the majority, if anyone comes out with a genuine demand we will accept that demand, even if an individual makes the demand.
Mr Bhutto came to Dhaka and we had discussions with him. Before his departure Mr Bhutto said that the doors for further discussions are not closed. More discussions would follow. Moulana Noorani, Moulana Mufti Mahmood and other leaders from West Pakistan came. I had discussions with them. Our intention was to come up with a Constitution though discussions. However, I have informed them that I do not have the authority to amend the six-point programme because it is the property of the people, but Mr Bhutto issued threats.
He said he would not like to become the double hostage by coming here. ‘The Assembly would turn into a slaughter house’ (said Mr Bhutto). He warned that there would be bloodshed and that he would break the heads of West Pakistani elected members who dared to attend the Assembly session. He threatened that they would be murdered, and declared that there would be agitation from Peshawar to Karachi. Not a single shop would be opened, he said. Even then, 35 Assembly members from West Pakistan came. But on March 1, Yahya Khan cancelled the Assembly session. The blame was put on the people of Bengal, the blame was put on me. He (Yahya) said that nothing could be done due to my obstinacy.
Thereafter the people of Bengal rose in protest. I called for hartal (strike) so that the movement could be continued through peaceful means. People took to the streets voluntarily, but what did we get?
The unarmed people of Bengal were attacked with arms. We have no weapons. But the very weapons we bought with our money and gave to others (the Pakistan Army) to protect us from foreign aggression, are being fired on my helpless people. We Bengalis constitute the majority, but whenever we wanted to take the rein of the country, they had conspired to stop us and pounced on us.
Yahya Khan said that I wanted to join the Round Table Conference on March 10 and that I had a telephone conversation with him about this. What I said was, ‘you are the President of the country: come to Dhaka and see how my poor people are being killed, how the children of my mothers and sisters are being killed. I have already announced that there could be no Round Table Conference. What Round Table Conference? Who’s Round Table Conference? Am I to sit in the Round Table Conference with those who have killed the beloved sons of my mothers and sisters?’
On the 3rd of March, in a meeting at Paltan, I urged my people to take part in a non-cooperation movement. I said, stop going to offices and courts and stop paying revenue and taxes. You all agreed.
Suddenly, without consultation with my party, or me Yahya Khan made a speech after a meeting of five long hours with one person (Bhutto). In that speech he (Yahya) put all the blame on me, and the people of Bengal. Mr Bhutto is the offender, but rifles are fired on the people of Bengal. We are shot at, it is our fault; bullets hit us, and that too is said to be our fault! Yahya Khan has called for an Assembly session, but I demand that Martial Law has to be withdrawn. The army has to be taken back to the barracks. There have to be inquiries into all the killings, and power has to be transferred to the representatives of the people. Only after all this is done will I consider whether we will take part in the (Assembly) session or not.
The bloodstains have not yet dried. We will not attend the Assembly session on March 25 by betraying those who have shed blood for us.
Brothers, do you have faith in me? (At this point the people raised their hands in affirmation and screamed ‘YES!’). I do not want the Prime Ministership. I want to see that people get their rights. They could not win me with the bait of Prime Ministership. By shedding your blood you freed me form the (Agartala) conspiracy case. That day, from this very racecourse, I declared that I shall repay the debt of blood with blood; do you remember? Today also I am ready to repay the debt of blood with blood.
I declare that from today Courts, Judge Courts, the Supreme Court, offices and educational institutions shall remain closed for an indefinite period. No employee shall go to the office – this is my directive. To ensure that the poor people do not suffer, rickshaws, trains, et cetera shall all be allowed to run. Trains shall run, but cannot be used for troop movements. If trains are used for this purpose, I will not be responsible for any accident that might occur.
The Secretariat, the Supreme Court, Judges Courts and other government, semi-government offices and autonomous organisations shall remain closed. The banks shall remain open for two hours only for transactions within East Bengal. No money shall be sent from East Bengal to West Pakistan. Bengalis, take your steps carefully. Television and telephone will be kept operational within Bangladesh. However, journalists can transmit news to the outside world.
The people of this country are being killed. You must watch out. If needed, all the wheels of government shall be brought to a grinding halt. You will go and collect you salary when it is due. If your salaries are not disbursed, if one more bullet is fired, if my people are killed any more, my request to all of you – make every house a fortress. You have to fight the enemy with whatever you have.
You will stop all road communications. We will neutralise them (Pakistanis) by blocking their food supplies. We will neutralise them by stopping their water supply. Even if I cannot give orders, if my associates are not available by your side, you will continue the struggle.
Soldiers (Pakistani) you are our brothers, stay in the barracks and nobody will tell you anything. Do not try to fire on us any more. You cannot suppress seven crore people any longer. Now that we have learnt to die, no one can suppress us any more.
Industry owners, please pay full salary to those labourers who participate in the strike for seven days and could not work due to the curfew.
Instructions for the government servants – whatever I say you have to obey. No one should be seen in offices. Stop paying revenue and taxes till this country achieves independence. Please leave it to me; I know how to lead a government.
But be careful, remember the enemy has penetrated our ranks in disguise, they want to create rift among us. Bengalis or non-Bengalis, Hindus or Muslims, all are our brothers. It is our duty to protect everyone.
If the radio, television and newspapers do not broadcast the news of our movement, no Bengali must be seen in radio and television studios.
If there is a peaceful settlement, there is a chance that we will live together as brothers; otherwise there is no chance. Do not exceed the limit otherwise we may not even see each other’s face.
My request to you, under the leadership of Awami League, organise Shangram (combat) committees in every village, mohalla (ward) and union. Arm yourself with whatever you can get. Remember, since we have once shed blood, we shall have to shed a lot more, but we shall free the people of this country In shallah (God willing). This struggle is the struggle for freedom; this struggle is the struggle for independence.
Remain ready. Do not go into a slumber. Continue the movement and agitation; if the movement slackens, they will pounce on us. Maintain discipline, because no nation can win any struggle without discipline. Joi Bangla! (Victory to Bengal!)
“I will always be with you”
(Sheikh Mujibur Rahman 17/03/1920 – 15/08/1975)
Translation: Sir Frank Peters
