Dr. Md. Shairul Mashreque :
Sher-e-Bangla was a force to be reckoned with so far as ordinary in Bengal concerned. In fact ‘his soul was with them’. His endeavour to build up a grassroot platform as a countervailing force against exploitation and persecution was a clear ‘indication of the nature of his political heartbeat than anything else he sought to do in life.’ He established a meaningful link with the rural masses in the gangatic plain in order to impoverish their emancipation. Using his institutional capacity being the Chief Minister A.K. Fazlul Huq set up the Floud Commission in November1938 putting interests of the rural peasants first.
There was so much enthusiasm that Sher-e- Bangla sparked among the peasants. He was an icon among the Bengali peasants and rising jotdars who joined him in his institutional mission-all for the ordinary peasants. Being ‘a full blooded Bengali, the friend of peasantry’ he was frustrated to see the termination of the Floud Commission without any commensurate results and had to ‘wait until 1950 to see his dream of ending landlord elitism-feudal over lordship in other words.
Bengal under colonial rule presented a desolate scene. From the very start of the colonial rule the peasants were seen to have been protesting colonial intervention affecting peasantry. Due to rack-renting and persecution of peasants by the rent receiving agents of East India Company and money lenders there happened to be the fast deterioration of the peasant economy. Bengal was treated as the hot-bed of anti-British rebellion with rising militancy of peasant movements against the oppression of the Hindu landed class. As a result of the periodic peasant eruption against the landlords and money lenders in the wake of abysmal poverty a handful of Muslim leaders ‘started flirting with the Muslim peasantry vigorously promising land reform and pro-peasant measures projecting the Hindu zamindar-bhadralok-mahajan triumvirate as the sole enemy of both the Hindu and Muslim peasants.’ ‘Eventually Muslim leaders successfully organised Muslim peasants in the region and formed a government under the leadership of Fazlul Huq, who in 1937 became the Chief Minister of Bengal.’ He and his Krisak-Praja Party ‘committed to an anti-zamindar and anti-mahajan economic programme, as reflected in the election manifesto of Krisak-Praja Party that formed a government in April 1937 with Muslim league. Sher-e-Bangla represented the upper peasantry (jotdars). Several Muslim jotdars joined him to Espouse a peasant and anti-landlord programmes on the eve of 1937 election.
Bravery and intelligence were the characteristic traits of his leadership. His charisma enabled him to earn tremendous popularity. The way he demonstrated indomitable courage no other Bengali could do it to become the tiger of Bengal . “He was very close to Ashtosh Mukherjee (who was also known as Tiger of Bengal), father of Shyamaprasad Mukherjee (a Bengali politician who supported him as Prime Minister.)
After being alienated from the Congress party where he served as its General Secretary in 1916-1918, in 1929, he launched the Nikhil Proja Samiti. “Nazimuddin was so afraid of Haque that he even arranged grand feasts in several places. A peasant came to that and prayed for Haque. When asked why, he replied “It was Huq Saab who intimidated you, so you are arrenging such party, so we are getting this meal.”In this election Abul Kashem Fazlul-Huq launched famous slogan still popular : Who gives the sweat should get the value. Who holds the plough should own the land.
He served as the Premier of Bengal. “His reign was unstable as it was marred by controversies. In 1938, the Independent Scheduled Castes seceded and the K.P.P. slowly started disintegrating. Following the betrayal by Indian National Congress, he also moved the Lahore resolution in 1940. In 1941, The Viceroy of India, Lord Linlithgow nominated him to the Defence Council. But M.A Jinnah who headed the All-India Muslim League asked him to resign. He obeyed but, to demonstrate his unhappiness, resigned from the League Working Committee. As a result of Huqs’ reluctance to obey the League ministers resigned.In 1945, he contested elections successfully on two seats. But his party was trounced badly by the All India Muslim League. In 1947,he joined the League campaign to include Calcutta in Pakistan. The other prominent supporters included Husseyn Shaheed Suhrwardy and Sarat Chandra Bose. The opposition of the Congress, however, ensured a partition of the province. Later on he accused Jinnah of not working hard enough for the cause. This time he managed to lead a fragile short lived alliance with Right wing-Hindutwa leader Shyamaprasad Mukherjee.
He was an admirer of Netaji, but he was very angry on him as Netaji started hunger strike on demand of removing Hallwell Monument, and Huq needed stability to discuss the land reform.
In fact Sher-e-Bangla occupies the foremost place among the leaders ceaselessly fighting for the emancipation of Bengali peasants. Indeed he was matchless and had only a few equals well known in history as humanists and philanthropists. By dint of his extraordinary genius, he created an era. In fact he was a versatile talent making remarkable marks in public life as politician, peasant leader, teacher, lawyer, administrator, statesman, freedom fighter and a person with incredible physical strength and guts.
He was an well-known Bengali politician having a large following especially amongst the ordinary masses in East Bengal. He was one of the tallest leaders of the Krishak Praja Party, a political party which was one of the major three players in the Bengal province of British India (along with the Congress and the Muslim League.”)
He was also pro-active in politics after partition of India in 1947. He, with Bangabandhu, Maulana Bhasani and Shaheed Suhrawardy fought for democratic rights of Banglalis. “On 9 July, Mujib was elected General Secretary of East Pakistan Awami League at its council session. Efforts were made to forge unity among Maulana Bhashani, A.K. Fazlul Huq and Shaheed Suhrawardy with the objective of taking on the Muslim League at the general elections. To achieve this goal, a special council session of the party was called on 14 November, when a resolution to form the Jukta Front (United Front) was approved. The first general election was held on 10 March. The United Front won 223 seats out of a total of 237, including 143 captured by the Awami League.”
(Dr. Md. Shairul Mashreque, professor, department of Public administration, Chittagong University)
