Saleem Samad :
Two years ago on August 24, Reuters news agency reported that Muslim militants in Myanmar staged a coordinated attack on 30 police posts and an army base in Rakhine State, and at least 59 of the insurgents and 12 members of the security forces were killed.
The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), a group previously known as Harakah al-Yaqin, which instigated the October attacks, claimed responsibility for the early morning offensive, and warned of more.
Nonetheless, the attack caught the Myanmar government by surprise. Its military, known as the Tatmadaw, responded with full-blown pogroms, including attacks on Rohingya villages and acts of arson.
State violence conducted in Rakhine State, what the United Nations has described as “a textbook case of ethnic cleansing” against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar’s Rakhine State.
The atrocities ignited fresh exodus of another 700,000 Rohingya civilians to flee to Bangladesh since August 25, killing an estimated 3,000 people and burning 288 Rohingya villages, according to rights groups and the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and Human Rights Watch.
However, Myanmar does not hesitate to argue that its actions was counter-terrorism operations, but its response to the threat posed by Rohingya militants is disproportionate and is likely to fuel militancy for years to come, predicts writes Prof Zachary Abuza at the National War College where he focuses on Southeast Asian security issues.
The Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO) was active in the mid-1980s to 1990s. The RSO achieves very little militarily, but its ties to the Jamaat-e-Islami and Harkat-ul-Jihad-al Islami (HuJI) in Bangladesh and Pakistan caused concern to regional security. By the mid-2000s, the RSO was defunct.
The Rohingyas literally hoped that the country’s democratic transition would address their legal rights. While democratic freedoms also unleashed extreme Buddhist nationalism.
In 2015, Attullah Abu Amar Jununi, also known as Hafiz Tohar, founded Harakah al-Yaqin, the Faith Movement, to “defend, save, and protect [the] Rohingya community … in line with the principles of self-defense”.
Attullah was born in Karachi, Pakistan to Rohingya parents, and raised in Saudi Arabia, where he was a cleric in a mosque. He moved to Bangladesh, crossing into Rakhine State in late 2015 or early 2016 via Pakistan.
Attullah led Harakah al-Yaqin was an offshoot of Aqa Mul Mujahideen (Faith Movement of Arakan), which itself emerged from another organization, Harakat ul-Jihad Islami-Arakan, headed by Abdus Qadoos Burmi, a Rohingya from Pakistan.
Disgruntled members of RSO, defected to Harakah al-Yaqin. By 2015, Attullah’s group was actively recruiting youths from the refugee camps.
In early 2017 Harakah al-Yaqin rebranded to ARSA and was initially engaged in hit-and-run tactics in a bid to stockpile armory from Myanmar security forces.
The rebranding as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army was apparently to soundless Islamist and more as a legitimate ethno-nationalist group fighting in self-defense.
But ARSA continued to recruit through its network of clerics and mosques, and there is a far more religious basis to the movement than they publicly admit.
On August 18, 2017, Attullah released a video statement justifying ARSA’s actions, stating that his group was established only in response to government and paramilitary abuses against the Rohingya community. “Our primary objective under ARSA is to liberate our people from dehumanized oppression perpetrated by all successive Burmese regimes,” he said.
Possibly ARSA leaders hastily decided the attacks on border police check posts only two days after UN Special Representative Kofi Annan submitted his report stating several pragmatic recommendations, and the Myanmar tacitly agreed on some issues towards a conflict resolution, but disputed with most recommendations on the status of Rohingya Muslims citizenship.
ARSA knew very well that the Myanmar military’s response would be heavy handed. Despite understanding their limitation, the ragtag foot soldiers is poorly funded and possesses only limited light weapons, and dare not confront the Myanmar military, currently the 11th largest in the world, with its long track record of repression against ethnic minorities.
The duffers in ARSA leadership had no understanding of the consequences of hit-and-run tactics will endanger lives of more than a million Rohingyas in Rakaine State.
The two-month long campaign of ethnic cleansing, with even senior officials in the government of de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi justifying the military’s attacks on civilians, seems to have caught ARSA off guard, writes Prof Zachary Abuza at the National War College.
Possibly the ARSA did not benefit from Rohingyas languishing in sprawling refugees camps – as UNHCR claimed to the largest refugee camps in the world.
(Saleem Samad is an independent journalist, media rights defender, recipient of Ashoka Fellow (USA) and Hellman-Hammett Award. Twitter @ saleemsamad; Email: saleemsamad @ hotmail.com)
