Dr. Md. Shairul Mashreque :
In the areas of development governance is deeply embedded as a matter of an overriding importance The importance of good governance for development is admittedly great1. Good governance is important for development. This means that a large set of worthy ideals – including transparency in public affairs, accountability of power-holders to citizens, ability of citizens to make demands, absence of corruption, freedom of enterprise, secure property rights and rule of law – are necessary conditions for development success. Governance mprovement even to the extent of good enough governance of course facilitates development process with accountability, transperancy and public participation. In other words,high level of transparency, accountability, participation and competition fosters economic growth and development. This view is attributed to the World Bank pointing at comparative evidence on the sustainability of development even in the face of challenges.
This view of governance is developmental with micro-level initiatives including participation and transparency. Micro-level development initiatives do not proceed in a vacuum, but in broader governance environments which can be difficult, perhaps even predatory vis-a-vis the intended development purpose. This is indeed a governance challenge-though one which is very different from the usual ‘good governance’ discourse
Participatory governance focuses on deepening democratic engagement through the participation of citizens in the processes of governance with the state. The idea is that citizens should play a more direct roles in public decision-making or at least engage more deeply with political issues. Government officials should also be responsive to this kind of engagement. In practice, participatory governance can supplement the roles of citizens as voters or as watchdogs through more direct forms of involvement.
What is important for overall development is fairness in governance for proper implementation of development policies. So we conceive governance in particular organisations, the quality of governance within the organisation is often compared to a standard of good governance. In the case of a business or of a non-profit organization for example, good governance relates to consistent management, cohesive policies, guidance, processes and decision-rights for a given area of responsibility, and proper oversight and accountability.
Good governance is an indeterminate term used in international development literature to describe various normative accounts of how public institutions ought to conduct public affairs and manage public resources. These normative accounts are often justified on the grounds that they are thought to be conducive to economic ends, such as the eradication of poverty and successful economic development. Unsurprisingly different organizations have defined governance and good governance differently to promote different normative ends.
The World Bank defines governance as:the manner in which power is exercised in the management of a country’s economic and social resources for development.This considers the process by which governments are selected, monitored and replaced; the capacity of the government to effectively formulate and implement sound policies and the respect of citizens and the state of the institutions that govern economic and social interactions among them.
Good governance also means the use of institutions, structures of authority and even collaboration o allocate resources and coordinate or control activity in society or the economy. According to the United Nations Development Programme governance has been defined as the rules of the political system to solve conflicts between actors and adopt decision (legality). It has also been used to describe the “proper functioning of institutions and their acceptance by the public” (legitimacy). And it has been used to invoke the efficacy of government and the achievement of consensus by democratic means (participation).
Reform policy conundrum in developing countries has been encapsulated by the influences of exogenous forces. Bangladesh is no exception. A plethora of studies and reports have been conducted with financial supports from the donor agencies to delve deeply into the operation of public service. Since 1989 with donors’ assistance to redynamize and revitalize public service. Despite active donors’ concerns reform efforts continued to stand at the God that fails.
Distressingly governance reforms hardly achieved anything remarkable in fulfilling the aspiration of fast changing societies. The reason is perhaps that the reports of the reform commissions containing recommended palliatives for shaping things properly and sensitizing large bureaucracies did not obtain proper institutional nourishment by due course of follow-up action. They were only partially implemented or shelved as secret documents.There are allegations that the ruling administrative elites always attempted to twist or distort the content of the report to protect vested interests and shun those recommendations that might have brought about qualitative changes in the existing order with the possibility of slashing undue privileges enjoyed by them. As a corollary to this manipulative design the rising expectation has turned into rising frustration. The gap between expectation and achievement has been increasing appallingly.
The new state of nation has quite a varied experience of governance reform as a large scale policy intervention over a last couple of decades. A common thread that appears in reform efforts is to create institutions in line with changing perspectives in governance to stand the test of time. For, management of public affairs with efficient public service and smart implementation of public policy warrant positive changes in governance.
Bangladesh won freedom out of sanguinary war of liberation in 1971. The ordinary masses of peasants and industrial workers and students have had a dream of emancipation from the process of semi-colonial exploitation. That is why they rallied behind a series of movements for democracy and parity organized by vernacular elites that in the long run culminated in a movement for self-determination. Spontaneity and enthusiasm coupled with pure patriotism prompted them to fight for freedom.
The changeover due to partition of India in 1947 hardly fulfilled the dreams of the ordinary masses of East Bengal. The people of East Pakistan became soon disillusioned as they had yet to enjoy the taste of life in a free country. The rural peasants were hopeless to see worsening socio-economic conditions due to recurrence of flood and structural and non-structural violence. Moreover East – West economic disparity was an indication of injustice and unfair distribution that affected Bengali peasants who did no get the fair price for the production of jute, being the golden fiber and the principle cash crop of Pakistan.
The highly centralized administration coupled with interlocking relations between civil-military bureaucracy and well-oiled Punjabi conglomerates dominating economic frontier happened to create segmented economic growth. The economic disparity between the two wings was so deeply rooted for so long that the central government highest planning authority was compelled to take official note of it. Besides there was a sharp regional disparity in the allocation of strategic posts and positions in civil administration and military. Development was lopsided due to prevalence of predatory nature administrative state with vested interest group ruling the roost to give way to misgovernance. The changed economic scenario had become a matter of hurt burning and frustration to the Muslim Bengali peasants and the middle class who welcomed partition in 1947 for a desirable change. Exploitative policy posture in various sectors of economy generated economic disparity and the resultant regional imbalance. Developmental state emerged with policy actors lavishly financing potential sectors in the interests of the non-Bengali business class in west wing – all to the detriment of the interests of their Bengali counterparts. The result was segmented economic growth. Mujib was the first to point finger at the policy of deliberate discrimination against East Bengal in public meetings and rallies.
The central government formed committees and commissions to reform administration realizing that something was going grotestiquely wrong with administration that reflected colonial legacies. But things did not change in a desired direction because of domineering attitude of the Punjabi, the race that exhibited a strong superiority complex accounted much for differentiation, alienation and confrontation so far as Bengalis were concerned. Even other ethnic groups were badly affected by Punjabi domination. There was gap between the two wings as for the benefits of development. This gap was honed razor-sharp by the Punjabi’s systematic exploitation of East Pakistan politically, economically and militarily. The East Pakistan was the majority wing with 75 million people compared to 61 million people in the west wing which had the advantage that the national capital was situated over there that received ‘the overwhelming proportion of development funds, factories, public work projects, foreign aid, imports and defense facilities.’ The accentuation of the sense of alienation eventually turned into confrontation. The hey days of 22 families – all non-Bengalis in the context of domination characterized economic scenario of the pre-liberation period.
A number of administrative reform efforts were undertaken during the Pakistan period to erase undemocratic practices in the service structure. But the reform efforts failed to attain desired outcomes. The bureaucracy with its hitherto existing stranglehold in administration allegedly manipulated all reform efforts in its favour (Khan 1980, Sarker 2004)
The present government has undertaken a host of schemes for social and economic transformations. Innovative ways of steering a fast changing society require new public service which can cope with changed economic environment in the wake of globalization. The concept of new public service is replete with the concept of efficient public service. Good governance paradigm with the contours like New Public Management (NPM), Total quality management (TQM), Public-private partnership, open market operations, citizen’s charter, Electronic management etc. gratifying public interests as well as promoting consumerism demands well articulated public administration to be defined as bureaucracy in action(pro-active).
In the process of governance the government has to interac with civil societies and NGOs. In fact NGOs have long been handling their projects flowing from policy direction iby structured flexibility approach., self-assessment mechanism , regular monitoring and intermittant change of techniques., if situation demands. This is really efficient and apt managent of implementation. They are found working inan enabling working environment that they themselves created with participatory component, deentralization and motivation. In health car sector, for illustration, there has emerged some positive changes in health bevaviour. Based on the index of health development there has been astounding improvement in health awareness, especially awareness about STD/Hiv/AID, immunization, balanced diet and maternity services.
We may have much to take lessons from NGO’s health management projects. This is of course resul-oriented. The paramedics are well traioned health workers doing their utmost to the satisfaction of the people. The resource persons at the apex of project management treat things well inn a professional manner.
NGOs like BRAC, CRITAS , ASA , Proshika, UNICEF etc have come forward to enlighten our society with a sceme of non-formal education. The happen to adress the issues of drop-outs. Thing is that Formal education is not inclusive and participatory. The poor child is left out. He/she cannot benefit from formal scooling finding it hard to cope with a rigid institutional situation and the demands of close systen and thus drop out. All the same NGOs non-formal education has proved to be good alternative motivating the poor children. In fact non-formal institutions like open air school, distnt education and mobile scholing are most likely to cater to the needs of strret children, maverick and vagrant.
Tne NGOs are complementing the government in the implementation of Child development polities. . The major areas/sectors or policy goals are ‘basic education’, ‘health and nutrition’, water and environmental sanitation’, ‘children in need of special protection’, ‘social integration, participation and cultural affairs’, and ‘information and communication’. The other goals were gender equity, elimination of child labor and children requiring special protection.
Most experts on child rights opine that child related policies concern about children development, their participation and their rights. Obviously we have a cluster of good laws and programmes in connection with child rights and development. Notwithstanding legislative measures and programmatic intervention the most vulnerable children continue to suffer manifold harassments and negligence. They are growing up on the margins of society in a state of neglect and deprivation, without educations, affection, care and guidance. Once a child takes to the street there is a strong possibility that the child, both girls and boys may end up sexually abused and exploited. This is because survival becomes the sole priority – in the absence of alternatives, street children are forced to do anything, which keep them alive.
Society perceives the vulnerable children as children in difficult circumstances. Their vulnerability is at peak. This is due to the state of gap in existing laws and policies to protect their rights. There is no protection against child labour that may be termed as torture. ILO and Unicef advocate for measures to curb child labour. The UN Convention on Rights of the Child (UNCRC) has been universally ratified. The present government is actively considering formulation of a national child labour policy. It is, of course, a good move. We have a child policy. But we do not have child labour policy. We may contend that if there is child labour there must be must be a control mechanism to erase its evils through legislation and public policy. One may wonder whether all such policy and legislative measures will be mere paper tigers. We have laws to protect child workers from the deluge of exploitation. The problem lies with implementation. If antiquated legal procedures and codes framed during the colonial period come into conflict with a future child labour policy the implementation process will be in the dock.
(Dr. Md. Shairul Mashreque, Pofessor, Dpartment of Public Administration, Chittagong University)
